DCF-TRANSLATIONS

TEXTS FROM THE CHINESE DREAM:

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What?! Another Leap Forward?

The blogosphere is buzzing with excitement of the potential of a green revolution in China. Overnight and all-encompassing it is dubbed The Green Leap Forward. Somehow China, developing at hyper speed could effectively leapfrog and align its course of progress with goals for global sustainability. This theory however is at odds with reality. Neither leapfrog ambitions nor China’s grand schemes and objectives acknowledge the fact the country is now halfway done. This simple fact butts against any attempt of treating China as an empty platform for a new and still unknown sustainable vision.

Developers and Green Dreamers often approach China with a similar ambition; to supply its young market with the latest trends. Their ideas are not actually the guiding visions of a new economy, but rather attempts to satisfy existing market oriented development. China, along with the rest of the world, is in dire need of a systematic development model. In particular a model that works to implement green development initiatives through an evolutionary, flexible process. Only then can a half-built China, redirect its course of development and create future-proof solutions. The complexity can be illustrated by a number of contradictions China’s planners face.

• A collection of well designed sustainable buildings can still amount to a poorly operating, unsustainable city.
• Boom economies like China are geared towards consumption. With little intention of slowing down, they force us to redirect efforts away from reduction towards stimulating ‘green consumption’ and ‘green consumers’.
• In the West suburbia is at the heart of concerns for fuel-dependent urbanization. In China the suburbs offer hope to accommodate its mass-migration in a compact way, steering growth away from the smaller inefficient settlements and networks.

Green Imaginaries
In anthropology and political ecology the concept of an “imaginary” has been developed as a means to describe the body of ideological, ethical, and rhetorical forces that scientists, planners, decision-makers, and citizen activists must engage with to accomplish their goals. Imaginaries, for example the ‘circular economy’, are higher-order discursive systems that allow local environmental actors to work through double-bind situations collectively. Before installing any set of sustainable technologies, China will need to image what kind of urban environments it wants to have in two decades. Building and then rebuilding its cities defies the purpose of sustainability, however green the buildings are. Today more than ever to be green is to dream.

The Green Metropolis
The DCF has introduced a number of green imaginaries: at the center ‘the Green Metropolis’. An imaginary that encapsulates the notion the city is the foremost challenge to sustainability, and also the realm of its solutions. The Green Metropolis itself consists of other imaginaries, such as the Green Edge, Green Consumers and planning models such as Dynamic Density and specific architectural typologies that work in synchrony.

Finding the Edge
If at Chinese speed so-called sprawl is often only of a temporary nature, the question becomes how to define the city limits? Bigness is a managerial challenge, but, as Tokyo shows, does not define efficiency. It is in this context that we introduce the concept of the Green Edge*. We suggest any urban expansion beyond the reach of high-end public transport should be considered unsustainable. The zone outside of the urban core but within the mass-transit system we have coined the Green Edge. It acts as a buffer zone between the city and the countryside. Freed from its derogatory appellation and mediocre image, the Green Edge introduces a highly sought after residential environment: lush suburban living with fast access to the centre. A city can expand in a Green Edge when public-private partnerships are forged that produce such close coordination between transport and real-estate development as in Hong Kong. Within the Green Edge dense but low-rise architectural typologies complete the system that encourage social sustainability and green consumption with market palatability.

什么？！再来一次大跃进？

博客上弥漫着中国爆发绿色革命的兴奋。一夜之间而且不约而同，大家都半开玩笑地称之为绿色大跃进。人们有理由相信，飞速发展的中国能够再往前迈一大步，将发展道路与实现可持续发展的全球理想统一。这一理论却与现实相悖。无论是大步向前的抱负还是中国的宏大目标都忽略了一个重要事实：中国的建设已完成过半。这一简单的事实让所有把中国当成空白页、试图实践全新的、还未知的可持续发展计划的尝试不合时宜。

开发商和绿色追梦人对中国有相同的抱负：为年轻的市场提供最新的潮流。他们的主张都不是新经济前瞻性的指南，而是满足目前市场需求的尝试。和世界其它地方一样，中国急需一个系统性的开发模式，特别是一个在不断演进、弹性的过程中实现绿色发展主张的模式。而只有承认中国的建设已完成过半，才能调整方向，创造应对未来的解决方案。目前的务实是整体主义方法论的障碍，也阻碍了向前概念化的一大步。中国的现实证明了重新思考可持续发展是十分必要的。其复杂性从中国规划者面临的重重矛盾可见一斑。

哪怕建筑单体的设计如何精良且可持续发展，其集合仍是功能低下且不可持续发展的城市。
类似中国的新兴经济崇拜消费主义的，且没有任何改变的心思，这让我们不得不放弃试图减少消费的做法来催生‘绿色消费’与‘绿色消费者’的任何努力。
西方的城郊是严重依赖能源消耗的城市化的对象。中国的郊区却为紧凑地容纳大规模迁徙带来了希望，为城市化远离小规模、效率低下的居民点和网络有可能实现。

绿色愿景
在人类学与政治生态学中，‘愿景’的概念已发展成为描述意识形态、伦理以及论据的主体，是科学家、规划者、决策者和环保人士都需要参与的意识。以‘循环经济’举例，愿景是更高层次的抽象体系，它让处于较低层次的具体参与者在矛盾中碰撞、作用。在插入一切可持续发展的科技之前，中国需要展望二十年后她想要什么样的城市环境。如果今天的建设导致的是届时城市的大规模重建，那将是不可持续发展的极致，无论建筑单体如何环保。现在比任何时候都要贴切，‘要绿色，就要梦想’。

绿色都市
动态城市基金会（DCF)介绍了数个绿色愿景：最中心的是‘绿色都市’。这一愿景试图囊括城市是可持续发展最重大的挑战，亦是问题解决之关键。‘绿色都市’本身则包含了其它愿景，包括‘绿色边界’，‘绿色消费者’和诸如‘动态密度’等规划模式及与之匹配的建筑形态。

寻觅边界
如果中国速度让所谓的蔓生具有暂时性，那么一个新的问题是：如何界定城市的界限？大，不过是管理的挑战，东京证明，大小并不决定效率。在此范畴内，我们引入了‘绿色边界’的概念。我们建议，认定超出了高端公交可达范围的城市扩张是不可持续发展的。我们为城市核心之外、公交可达范围之内的区域起名为‘绿色边界’。它是城市与农村的过渡地带。它从略带诬蔑性质的‘城乡结合部’和中不溜秋的形象中解脱出来，‘绿色边界’引入的是极受追捧的住宅环境：葱翠的郊区生活以及迅速到达市中心的方便。一旦政府－私人能达成一致，比如像香港那样，公交与房地产项目能够协调发展，城市就能扩张其绿色边界。在绿色边界内，高密度、低高度的建筑形态形成的是一个鼓励可持续发展和市场化绿色消费的系统。

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How to produce good architects?

A serious hurdle on the road to better Chinese cities is the lack of good designers. This itself can be attributed to the lack in good design education. In the post-Olympic era architecture schools must move away from producing drafters and begin producing designers across the country. We cannot depend on the handful of ‘sea turtles’ turned star architects to save the Chinese city. Instead we should investigate how to create an educational structure that can produce designers able to respond to two unique conditions: the fast changing urban landscape and the fast changing needs of China’s urbanites.

X-factor
The fact is the educational process is very slow compared to the transformations of China. To comply with future needs, diversity should be nurtured and no architectural ideology or fixed design method can be imposed. Then what should be on offer instead? What’s the X-factor of a modern architecture school? To find out, we analyzed the composition of 16 renowned but very different design institutes.

Three aspects seem to most affect the quality and effectiveness of a design school:

1. Organization and Curriculum:
Schools tend to teach architecture either as an art form (design driven), a discipline (technology-driven) or a field (research driven).
2. Environment: The building typology, the urban setting, size, population, languages offered and online presence.
3. Community: Links with the professional community and industry, relations with other faculties and institutes, number of exchange students, profile of teachers / professors.

Mix and Connect
Based on the research we’ve designed a new school system, accommodated by a new (intentionally introvert) architecture. The school is a satellite structure that aims to adapt to local conditions, operating within a network of institutes that exchange and build on each others experiences. The objectives can be described by three concepts:

MOTHER SHIP: In a global market understanding local conditions is crucial. The design institute must become a node in the knowledge network.
MALL: Offer a variety of courses; the student shops around, mixes and matches courses according to personal skills and future ambitions.
MINICAMPUS: Design studios are created throughout the buildings’ flexible framework. Residences and commercial uses are integrated into the campus to produce a slowly developing, dense, porous and low rise structure for maximum face to face exchange.

The research for China’s satellite design institute confirms one of architecture’s long-standing premises; that spatial conditions impact on social interaction. Rather than building a platform where existing ideas can be taught, it is more sustainable to create an environment that encourages students to develop and exchange new ideas.

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BREAKING THE RULES IN TIANJIN

There is a sense in China that, if only developers would abide by the rules, if only buildings would not be so haphazard, things would be better. However, China actually forces designers to rethink sustainability in planning from scratch. Invariably, density and development speed make any western approach redundant. More importantly, we need to address contradictions inherent to the Chinese planning system. Rules aimed at safeguarding basic urban qualities in new plans in effect prevent real sustainability from ever occurring; sustainability not based on the number of parks, solar panels or even certified buildings of an area, but defined by its intrinsic ability to encourage a green use.

Our research for the design of the Tanggu Green CBD revealed severe obstacles embedded in the regulatory framework. Most notably the planning codes keep the spaces between the buildings unnecessarily wide. Not unlike the problems at the regional scale, the city environment is forcefully dispersed. This leaves the streetscape uncomfortably open, while connections between different parts of the public space are hard to forge; a far cry from an pedestrian orientated landscape. Breaking the rules becomes imperative. And with the government as a client, this is actually feasible.

A second step was the introduction of progressive phaseability. An important moment in what can only be described as a steep mutual learning curve, was the notion that marketability and sustainability are closely aligned. Large aggregate projects are conceived and built at once. Designing a flexible backbone that can facilitate both fast or unforeseen slow growth, suddenly becomes valuable in these tumultuous times. Remarkably larger ecological planning frameworks, such as watershed and natural habitat protection, offer a comprehensive approach that also allow investment freedom. The flexibility of natural systems, grants the city a vitality in a commercial sense.

Wedged between industry and a booming smog covered harbor, what would normally be our first step for a master plan, mapping the ecological surroundings, was awkwardly impossible. So was savoring existing connections. The site of what should become China’s first green CBD was bulldozed flat and smoothed over into a grey carpet of rubble. Starting with emergency systems, such as storm water run-off and flood water prevention we reintroduced the natural networks of water and vegetation in the landscape. In addition to the basic green technologies and mixed-use urban typologies, we discourage district and local car use. In turn creating comfortable three-dimensional neighborhoods, that grow to form layered pedestrian networks of low-rise, dense living areas.

在天津打破常规

在中国似乎有一种常识——如果开发商都按规矩办事、如果建筑设计得不是那么漫不经心，我们的城市会更好。然而严峻的现实不得不让设计师重新思考城市规划的可持续发展性。中国城市的高密度与惊人的发展速度无法照搬西方的城市规划，这毋庸置疑。重要的是，我们需要解决中国规划制度的内在矛盾。那些旨在捍卫城市基本标准的制度，事实上却阻碍了城市的可持续发展性；城市的可持续发展性和其中的公园数量、太阳能光伏板面积乃至取得了LEED证书的楼宇面积关系并不大，而城市鼓励自觉地环保使用的能力才是定义其可持续发展性的主要标准。

我们在作塘沽绿色CBD规划的过程中，发现了现有规划框架的严重障碍。其中最明显的是现行的楼间距标准是无益的，这让城市组织流于分散。这让街道景观变得过分开阔，公共空间之间的联系难以建立；这让城市景观距离为行人服务的宗旨越来越远，打破这一规划制度极为迫切。当你的客户就是政府本身时，这一目标也不是不可完成的任务。

其次是引入前卫的分步开发机制。这是与客户的交流回合中有突破性的一刻——让客户意识到市场效应与可持续发展性其实是紧密结合的。大型的综合性项目通常是统一设计然后一气呵成。而在这经济的动荡时期，规划一个既适应快速发展又适应突如其来的放缓的开发机制尤其有价值。这让大型的生态规划框架的投资更为自由，比如分水岭和住宅自然保护带。自然生态系统的灵活亦为城市的商业注入生机。

总体规划的第一步通常是对周围生态环境的测绘，而地点周围只有工业和尘烟笼罩的繁荣港口；要保留现存的交通联系亦不可能，这有志成为中国第一个绿色CBD的地方，已被推土机平整为瓦砾铺就的灰色地毯。我们决定重新引入水与植被的自然网络概念，从暴雨倾泄以及洪水的预警系统开始。除了引入基本的绿色技术和混合建筑体外，我们不鼓励轿车的使用。由此试图创建一个舒适的、立体的社区，它的生长将促成低高度、高密度的多层次行人网络和居住带。

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The D-rail

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Home Grown Hangzhou

Around China’s cities the urban registration system has spawned extensive in situ urbanization. Outside the administrative border, where you’d expect the edge of the city, informal rural developments often continue far into the countryside. Generally this is primitive urbanization staunchly competing with the official projects of the city that chases them, but not always. At a time when among planners urban farming is all the rage, the periphery of cities such as Hangzhou have produced an entirely new kind of ‘home grown’ suburbia. With basic support from the local authorities, here the struggle between city and countryside has consolidated into a compelling hybrid of agriculture and private villas.

The result is an in-between zone as diverse as any Chinese metropolitan periphery but without the staggering spatial and social contrasts that have dominated suburbanization in recent years. The main typology is a 5 or 6 story villa designed like a colorful fantasy palace with a vegetable garden as a backyard and sometimes a workshop in the garage. Our survey shows they are built and mostly occupied by locals; an investment for rural families in an area whit little room for large-scale farming but with increasing land-values.

Tightly aligned shoulder to shoulder along canals and aggregation systems Chinese pragmatism has produced an entirely un-Chinese layout. Though still pitch black with pollution these canals make this a truly unique urban system. Beyond the mixed use, the urban farming, and the socio-political niche that is fills, it’s an powerful example of what urban planning should be about; providing developers and individuals only with the basic framework to realize their architectural projects. Nestled against the urban core, semi-autonomous, relatively dense, and served by public transport the home-grown suburb has all the qualities of a Green Edge* wedged between city and countryside.

土生土长的城郊

户口制度已在中国的城郊催生了大范围、自觉的城市化。就在城市的边界以外（边界的认定因人而异），自觉的农村开发蔓延成片，深入乡村腹地。通常情况下，这些原生态的城市化与那些驱逐它们的政府倡导项目顽强地竞争着。亦有例外。当规划者们还在为最时髦的‘都市农业’概念议论纷纷时，像杭州这样的城市已经催生了令人耳目一新的‘土生土长’的城郊。在当地政府的基本支持下，城市与农村的交战凝固成了令人瞩目的农业与别墅的混合体。

其产生的结果是多样化不亚于任何其它中国都市边缘的中间地带，它没有近年来中国主流郊区化悬殊的贫富差距。主要的建筑体征是童话般颜色鲜亮的五六层别墅，它们的后院都有菜地，有的还在车库搭有迷你作坊。我们的访问结果显示，它们大多数是本地人修建并居住的；是农户在规模农业太局促、地价却不断攀升地带的投资。

它们在运河及灌溉渠岸上紧密排开，是中国式的务实催生了这非中国式的城市布局。被污染得漆黑的运河让这里同样具有城市的明显体征。而此地除了开创混合使用、都市农业及社会－政治的细分市场以外，还为城市规划之要旨提供了强有力的例证——规划不过是为开发商（或个人）提供最基本的城市格局，好让他们实现各自想要的建筑项目。这半独立、相对密集、且以公交联系的土生土长的郊区栖息在城市的核心区域外，而拥有城乡之间“绿色边界”的一切烙印。

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(Anti) Urban Sentiment (反）城市情结

Love / fear
Since the early fifties, at every level fear has permeated China’s planning decisions: fear of overcrowding centers, fear of erratic growth, fear of unmanageable cityscapes. Then from the eighties onwards slowly a love for the city again rekindled. However, the urban registration system has remained in place. To save the city and combat scattered urban expansion we cannot allow any anti-urban sentiments or policies to linger.

上世纪五十年代伊始，中国城市规划的各层面被恐惧参透：对拥挤中心的恐惧，对于自主发展的恐惧，对于不可控制的城市空间的恐惧。而后从八十年代开始，对于城市的爱火缓慢重燃。而户口制度仍然强悍着。若要拯救城市、与散点城市扩张作战，我们不能给任何反城市的情绪或政策以立足之地。

Sprawl Derivatives
Sprawl, originally a neutral term, has become a catch-all pejorative for unwelcome urban expansion. DCF sprawl derivatives describe and evaluate specific characteristics of that expansion which impact negatively upon accessibility.

蔓生衍生品
‘蔓生’本来是个中性词，如今却成了一切不受欢迎的城市生长形态的代名词。DCF蔓生衍生品所指的是那部分会伤及城市可达性的蔓生。

POLICYSPRAWL*
Sprawl created by policies which were intended to reduce sprawl but in fact augment it, and policies which themselves are sprawling. Opacity created by excess policies obscures the possibility of achieving ”legal” developments and facilitates widespread abuses on the part of local officials and their private partners.

政策蔓生
那些旨在控制蔓生区的政策往往适得其反，更多的蔓生又需要更多的政策来调控，如此循环。此番政策冗余让‘合法’开发的界限模糊，并给地方官员及其伙伴以滥用权力的可乘之机。

SPEEDSPRAWL*
Accelerated development can in itself be a cause of scattered urban expansion. Beyond the urban core developments are emerging at such speed that they defy the MUD* logic of seeping urban expansion and break free from gravitational force of the urban core. Their spray pattern in effect reveals the scope of the field of urban gravity and vice versa.

速度蔓生
加速开发本身就能导致散点城市扩张。与“市场无序开发”的渗透式扩张大不同的是，它们在城市的核心生长区外迅速兴起，试图挣脱城市核心的引力。它们喷射状的形态一方面反映了城市引力的强度，另一方面也说明，蔓生区对城市亦有拉动效应。

MONOSPRAWL*
Urban expansion that exercises pressure on the accessibility of the city by generating an excess of frequent trips of significant length due to internal inadequacies. Commonly these are newly developed areas wholly dependent on other areas for their own basic needs. They are monofunctional, socially stratified, lack vitality, and, overwhelmingly, are car-dependent.

单一蔓生
城市扩张部分由于功能缺乏而导致长距离经常性交通，这为整体的可达性带来压力。新生区域完全需要依赖外部来满足基本的需求。它们不但功能单一、分化社会阶层、没有生气，而且，无一例外地完全依赖私家车。

TRANSSPRAWL*
Additions to the city may exhibit sprawl characteristics but serve as a necessary phase within the transition to a larger city. Big official developments may initially appear brutal and under-serviced, but density and local entrepreneurialism may quickly supply the necessary life. Equally informal settlements lacking in basic infrastructure can be recognized and absorbed to become healthy tissue. Transsprawl* acknowledges the potential maturing urban expansion.

过程蔓生
城市的任何增加部分都可能呈现蔓生的特点，但它们可能仅仅是城市升级的中间过程。大型城市开发在最初阶段会显得粗糙且功能不足，而密度和本地商业精神的形成将很快唤醒城市的生机。那些规划外缺乏基础设施的自发式居住地也能被承认、吸收成健康的城市组织。过程蔓生试图承认那些有成熟潜能的城市扩张。

INFRASPRAWL*
imbalance between architecture and infrastructure results in infrasprawl*. THIS can be defined as, on one hand, disruptions of spatial patterns created by excess infrastructure, and on the other, infrastructure that consumes more space than it can serve or generates more traffic than it can process. The city keeps getting bigger, but useful tissue gain is minimal - This is comparable to a relentless pursuit of building height, where accommodating additional upper floors with elevators means sacrificing space at the bottom to shafts. Infrasprawl* suggests a similar optimum applies to the footprint of the city and its infrastructural network.

基础设施蔓生
建筑与基础设施的失衡导致了基础设施的蔓生。一方面，基础设施冗余打乱了城市空间，另一方面，这些基础设施所占据的空间比能处理的交通更多。城市总是越来越大，而有效组织的增加却不成比例 － 这好比要追求建筑的高度，增加电梯可达楼层就意味着更大的电梯竖井要牺牲部分楼体空间。基础设施蔓生旨在说明城市的发展轨迹与基础设施网之间类似的优化关系。

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Example: The combined surface of Beijing’s ring roads covers an area substantially larger than the entire downtown.

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No Sprawl
From a numerical standpoint, within the context of Jinghu an area the size of France with an average density of a an small American city, there can be no sprawl.

无蔓生
从与法国面积相当却和美国小城市密度相当的京沪区域，我们可以得出的数据结论是此地无蔓生的可能。

Example: The hukou* system problematizes migrants’ entry into the city proper while allowing the urbanization of the rural fringe. Illegal renting within villages has furnished cities with a rim of constantly shifting temporary dwellings. Through expansion these are surrounded and ultimately swallowed.

例子：户口制度让民工光明正大地进入城市变得麻烦，却加剧了城乡结合部的城市化。农村的非法租赁让城市周围增添了不断变形的环状租居带。它被城市扩张所包围并终将被吞没。

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Green Metropolis
n. A green imaginary that envisages a large urban system can be designed to fully comply with natural ecosystems and sustainable and self-sustaining principles.

绿色都市
名词。指大城市体系的设计能与自然生态系统以及可持续发展和自给自足原则完全一致的绿色愿景。

Green Edge
n. A green imaginary that describes the urban zone beyond the core yet still within the range of high end mass transport. The Green Edge aims to fulfill demands for both fast access to downtown areas and lower density suburban qualities. It also offers a distinct city limit for planners and developers.

绿色边界
名词。描绘的是城市核心之外、高端公交系统覆盖之内区域的绿色愿景。绿色边界满足了快速到达市中心以及低密度郊区生活的双重需求，也为规划者和开发商提供了城市边界的参考。

Artificial City
City that requires excessive amounts of resources to maintain its appearance. For example Beijing.

人造城
名词。指需要过量资源才能实现功能的城市。比如北京。

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MUD
Market-driven Unintentional Development describes an urbanization characterized by organic growth patterns as a result of an accumulation of clearly designed and orchestrated planning. The invariable result: amorphous expansion within a field of urban gravity.

市场化无序开发
市场化无序开发描述的是设计和规划所致的无机的城市化。不可避免的结果是：在城市引力辐射范围中的混沌扩张。

CONCEPTUAL LEAPFROG
IN CHINA DENSITY ITSELF IS IMMANENTLY ACHIEVABLE. THIS OFFERS HOPE FOR GOALS EVEN BEYOND THE REACH OF SLOW EVOLVING CITIES. THE CONCEPT OF DYNAMIC DENSITY (DD) APPLIES A LONG-TERM PLANNING LOGIC TO THE FAST REALITY OF M.U.D. FORMATIONS.

概念跃进
在中国，高密度与生俱来。这为缓慢进化才能实现的城市目标带来了新希望。面对市场化无序开发的速度，动态城市（DD) 的概念是长期规划应遵循的逻辑。

Dynamic Density (DD) 动态密度

A theory which outlines an optimum relationship between density of a city and its built footprint, and proposes that as a city grows its density should increase proportionally. Thus density is dynamic and requires flexible planning solutions. Applications of DD are especially well suited to fast changing contexts. The dynamic density methodology operates first as a tool to map the processes of expansion and contraction, and then to assess the quality (most notably accessibility) of new growth and suggest market-oriented guidance measures within a conceptual framework for overarching city goals.

这一理论旨在勾勒城市密度和其发展轨迹的优化关系、阐明城市的密度本该与城市同步增长的固有规律。城市密度的动态性质需要灵活的规划方案。动态密度的应用尤其适合快速变化的环境。动态密度的方法论首先是记录城市扩张／收缩的工具，也能有效评估增长部分的功能（其中最重要的是可达性），并在城市整体目标的框架下催生市场化的引导政策。

DYNAMISM — PLANNING IN FLEXIBLE FRAMEWORKS THAT ANTICIPATE CONTINUOUS CHANGE, EVEN AFTER COMPLETION
动态主义 － 灵活的规划，对于建成后仍保持变化的预期
DENSITY — PROMOTING COMPACTNESS AS AN UNAMBIGUOUS DIRECTION TO COORDINATE ALL CHINESE PLANNING EFFORTS.
密度 － 所有在中国的规划要坚定不移地以紧凑为原则

DD PREMISE 动态密度的前提

1. Urban density is physical and has a geographical location

＃城市密度是物理的，有其地理分布

1. urban density has shape, and a trait of dispersion

＃城市密度是有形状的，并呈分散的特征

1. Density is the result of its context and it generates a context

＃密度是环境的结果，它也塑造环境

1. DENSITY DYNAMICS ARE TRACEABLE

＃密度的变化是可追溯的

1. It has a speed and a direction

＃它也有速度和方向

1. Density is Dynamic!

＃密度是动态的！

DD* MODEL 动态密度模式

1. DYNAMIC CONDITIONS REQUIRE FLEXIBLE PLANNING SOLUTIONS

＃动态的形势需要灵活的规划方案

1. SPACES PRODUCED UNDER CURRENT CHINESE HYPERSPEED ARE STATIC

＃目前的中国速度缔造的空间都是静态的

1. COLLECTED TOGETHER THESE FORMS RESULT IN MUD* (MARKET-DRIVEN UNINTENTIONAL DEVELOPMENT)

＃这些形态集中导致了MUD——市场化无序开发

1. HYPERSPEED DEVELOPMENT WHICH ANTICIPATES CHANGE CAN LEAPFROG MUD* TO INCORPORATE DYNAMIC DENSITIES

＃对变化保持预期的超速发展能让‘市场化无序开发’跳跃前进，实现动态的密度

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(the critical mass caption)

When is a city a city? Definitions, usually expressed in terms of population, continue to fall short, the world over. Expressing the city's dynamic nature, cannot be achieved with set population numbers, nor can the Chinese formula of computing population with economic output, warrant a clear definition. To understand the city we must conceptualize, the critical amalgamation of the city’s essential, often intangible ingredients.

城市何时能称为城市？仅以人口数来定义的方法越来越过时，在全球都是。静态的人口数无法反映城市永远是动态的，将人口数量与经济生产值结合的中国公式也不能保证外延的明晰。要真正理解城市，我们必须概念化地来理解城市的临界，那些无形的要素。

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城市既不只是规划的产物也不单是
原生态的结果,就像光-既不单是波也
不仅是微粒
Neither planned nor organic,
the city is ambiguos as light itself
- neither wave nor particle

looking at China from space one would see a
Petri dish of industrial bacteria, multiplying
around initial nodes and coagulating into a
dense mass
从太空中看中国，人们会看到一块工业细菌的培养
基，从生长点开始繁殖，并集结成密实的一大块

In recent history China has been
demonstrably willing to recast entire
cities to fit new economic and social
paradigms. When will environmental
determinism or social instability (or
both) cause a step-change in urban
planning?
中国近来很愿意为新的经济、社会指标改造
整个城市，然而破坏环境或让社会不稳定（
或两者）何时才能成为城市规划中的否决票
呢？

the hinterlands around
“growth pole” cities benefit
from incomes spent in
regional economies, but
those benefits seem to fade
two or three hours from the pole
“增长极地”城市周围的落后地
区会从中受益，而益处辐射至两
三小时车程外就开始衰减了

Intentionally and unintentionally
Beijing is moving away from the
monocentric city model
无论是否有意识,北京正与单
中心的城市模式渐行渐远规
模的房地产项目则不断将小
规模的自发性开发推向边缘
地带.

Top-down megaprojects periodically push small informal developments further out to the periphery.
自上而下的巨型项目和大量中等规模的房地产项目则不断将小规模的自发性开发推向边缘地带.

Sprawl has become a catch-all pejorative for unwelcome urban expansion. DCF sprawl derivatives describe and evaluate specific characteristics of that expansion which impact negatively upon accessibility.
‘摊大饼’已经成了一切不受欢迎的城市发展的总称. 我们这里所说的’摊大饼’指的是会影响到可达性的那些城市蔓延.

There are no sincerely robust examples of urban-scale sustainability we can point to in any major urban region in the world.
世界上没有哪个大都市堪称是可持续发展城市的典范。Erich Schienke

a collection of green buildings won’t necessarily make a green city
绿色楼宇的堆砌未必是绿色城市

green buildings belong in the suburbs — or rather, the green edge* of big cities
绿色建筑只存在于郊区，或者说是大城市的绿色边缘

Green Growth = Market Growth
绿色理念 = 市场价值

城市肌理：
城市在发展的时候常常连绵成片，致使城市边界模糊不清，城市空间结构不合理。
对此，我们的指导方针是
City Organics:
Urban areas have a natural tendency to grow towards each other. This generates mostly unwanted urban forms and spaces.

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BBT

The Beijing Boom Tower is the theoretical product of a genuine market attempt to supply according to demand: suburban luxuries in the center of a major city. In the BBT you can have your cake and eat it. Beijing’s extremely coarse urban landscape can only find its match in giant tower blocks. Designed to offer LA style villa’s at precisely 10 times Manhattan density the BBT is able to reinstate a minute and erratic quality lost in China’s generic mega blocs. The 12,500 inhabitants are all accommodated with big balconies, and orientated towards the sun. There’s drive-in parking, 2 subway stations, and 8 public squares. The uncompromising design indicates the kinds of sacrifices which need to be made to allow luxurious future living standards within a compact integrated urban environment.

‘北京生活梦工厂’是满足真实市场需求的理论化尝试：是位于市中心的郊区的奢侈。在‘北京生活梦工厂’里，鱼与熊掌可以得兼。北京极度粗糙的城市景观只能与巨型塔楼街区相配。以曼哈顿十倍的密度设计以提供洛杉矶别墅的生活方式，‘北京生活梦工厂’重申的是遗失在大型街区中的小尺度及弹性的品质。12，500居民都拥有阳光充足的宽敞阳台，还有与公路干线连接的停车场、两个地铁站，以及八个广场。这一没有妥协的设计预示了在紧凑的城市环境中保证个人奢侈的生活需要作出的种种牺牲。

Socially conscious, the BBT presents a wall-free solution for China’s inner-cities. The regimented society of the communist era has naturally progressed to form a sophisticated gradient of privacies and increasing opulence. Only the housing sector still depends on a very crude form of segregation. The different residential compounds, represent well-defined niche markets. But bluntly fenced-off from the street and disconnected from each other they lack any real communal space. Effectively a city in a city the BBT aims to overcome this problem by offering its residents a radical diversity of facilities. They form the massive base of the building with direct internal subway and highway access.

‘北京生活梦工厂’为中国的城区提出了一个无围墙的解决方案。共产主义时代社会的军团化已经自然演进，并形成了隐私与财富的社会阶层之色谱。只有房地产仍然依赖于粗劣的社会疏离。不同的住宅小区代表了不同的细分市场。他们从街道旁突兀地围合起来，彼此之间亦无联系，社区空间则无法形成。‘北京生活梦工厂’事实上是城中城，为解决这一问题，它为居民提供了大量可供彼此遇见的配套设施，建筑的大型底部也以内部地铁和公路相连。

The apartment towers are connected with bridges to form three distinct clusters, each with a hollow tower at the core. These clusters present a soft social gradient through the different neighborhoods, served by tailored facilities in the vicinity. The hollow towers contain extra vertical infrastructure, connected to bridges with the skinny villa skyscrapers all the high-end homes enjoy the perfect luxury of a private elevator.

住宅楼由桥接形成了三个独立的组团，每一组团在核心位置有一个空心塔。这些组团折射出不同社区社会地位的微妙差异，并在周围配以适当的设施。空心塔是电梯的集合，通过相连的桥接，它们也与拥有极致奢华的私人电梯、外形极细的高端别墅相连。

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Haijing's Proposal:

城市亦有临界
The City is a Critical Mass

平民住宅
Mass housing
批量生产
Mass production
百姓
Mass population
平民住宅
Mass housing
大迁徙
Mass migration
广泛疏离
Mass alienation
大众消费
Mass consumption
大众传媒
Mass media
公共交通
Mass transportation
公交站点
Mass transit
大拥堵
Mass congestion
大规模干预
Mass intervention
大众娱乐
Mass entertainment
大投机
Mass speculation
大众心理
Mass psychology
大规模嵌入
Mass insertion
大交叉
Mass convolution

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BAU; Business as Usual
A scenario based on an extrapolation of current trends.
In China this is a harsh mixture of long-term top-down planning (such as stepping stone projects) and small irregular bottom-up insitu developments.
一切照旧
基于现行趋势勾勒的图景
在中国，这是长期自上而下的规划（比如标志性项目）以及小规模、非规则、自下而上的民间开发艰涩的混合

black hole
i. an area of space-time with a gravitational field so intense that its escape velocity is equal to or exceeds the speed of light；
ii. a great void, an abyss；
iii. center of urban gravity, a saturated and stagnant zone that triggers urbanization but doesn’t participate in it, often coinciding with the historic center.
黑洞
i.磁场巨大的时空区域，其引力大到它的逃逸速度等于或大于光速；
巨大的空洞，深渊；
城市引力的中心，催生城市化但不参与其中的饱和而停滞的地带，往往与历史中心重合。

Brickification
noun. the low-level low-quality version of doorstep urbanization, where with limited money and minimal organized planning or architecture, an urbanized landscape is creating itself. Existing buildings are often enlarged simply by taking bricks and laying additional stories on top.
砖门化
名词。低级、低质量的家门口城市化，以有限的金钱和最少的组织规划、建筑自行创造的城市景观。现存的建筑通常被简单扩大，不过是用砖头在上面多加层数罢了。

burb.tv
n. DCF created webplatform using wikicode to facilitate the online sharing of China-related ideas and information. Users are able to browse and create nodes, and explore and interlink content via tags.
burb.tv
名词。动态城市基金会创建的网络平台，使用维基编码在线分享与中国有关的想法与信息。用户能够浏览并新建板块，并通过标签探索和关联内容。

carpet planning

n. planning models which are formulated without direct reference to specific areas and then rolled out indiscriminately.
地毯式规划
名词。未参考区域的特点、不由分说地就铺开的规划模式。

checkmate real-estate

n. a situation by which rigid government zoning in combination with aggressive non-collaborative plot-driven development forces the urban dynamic into a static endgame position.
棋盘式地产
名词。刻板的政府分区与迅猛的、单独的区块开发将城市的互动状态逼入僵死的棋局。

Chinese Modernism

n. mass modernization cut free from Modernist ideology. The Chinese version of the Modernist urban dream results in a landscape of cross-tower and mega-slab residential projects, only developed through the operation of market forces rather than utopian planning schemes. Chinese Modernism encompasses the anti-urban movement, attracting newfound wealth toward large-scale suburban residential projects with the promise of more green and greater space.
中国的现代主义
名词。从现代主义的意识形态中切割出来的大规模现代化。中国版的现代主义城市梦产生的是四方高楼与巨大的长条形住宅堆砌的景观，它们是通过市场力量而非乌托邦式的规划设计开发的。中国的现代主义亦包括反城市运动，大规模的郊区住宅项目以对更绿、更好的空间的承诺吸引了新富的人群。

Policy Sprawl
n. i. the phenomenon by which China’s planning and building policies most often result in the opposite of their intended effect i.e. contribute to rather than minimize sprawl:
ii. the accumulation of unclear, often contradictory policies, creating an environment in which it is both difficult to follow planning laws for those who try, and easy to avoid them for more powerful developers with state partners.
政策蔓生
名词。
特指中国的规划与建设规定往往适得其反的现象，比如旨在控制蔓生的反而催生更多；
模糊乃至矛盾的政策的积累造成的环境，它让遵守规划规定难以做到，而与政府有瓜葛的强势的开发商则很容易绕开它们。

pollutician
n. a politician who supports initiatives and policies that harm the environment [agglutination politician + pollution]
污染客
名词。支持破坏环境的行为与政策的政客。（政客＋污染的集合）

Polycentric City
n. a city where the population and programmatic cores are distributed among several political, social or financial centers.
多中心城市
名词。人口与城市功能均分布在政治、社会和金融中心的城市。

accessibility radius
The radius that describes the distance you can cover in a given time to the center of the circle.
可达性半径
该半径特指在一定时间内，以市中心为圆心，你所能覆盖的距离。
Chinese Sprawl
n. Concealed sprawl of intense urban conglomeration in diffuse and undeveloped surroundings.
中国式蔓生
名词。包围在弥散及未开发环境中密集的城市组织的集群，实属隐性蔓生。
coarseness
Crude urban texture resulting from the simultaneous but uneven stretching and enlarging of public space, architecture and infrastructure; gives rise to a pedestrian-hostile cityscape.
粗糙
由公共空间、建筑及基础设施在同一时间、不均匀的伸展及扩大形成的原始的城市组织；让城市空间对行人的友好度下降。

Conversion
n. a form of migration by which the rural inhabitant moves into an urban settlement, is assimilated, and becomes an urbanite. The converted migrant’s spending is focused on the city, and thus drives urbanization.
转化
名词。迁徙之一种，指农村居民向城市定居点迁移，而后被吸收成城市组织。转化后的移民主要在城市消费，从而带动了城市化进程。

cookie
曲齐
i. a small sweet cake, typically round, flat and crisp:
ii. an urban phenomenon arising from the positioning of satellite towns (the cookies) in close proximity to each other, whereby each town expands, and the spreading fringes touch and fuse, like cookies growing together on a baking tray [urban application via analogy with the Chinese pancake or tandabing, see tandabing, donut, raisin bread]

cookie model see also raisin bread model, pancake model, doughnut model

Stemming from the analogy created by the pancake model of urban development, the cookie model represents the move of the city from a monocentric organization to a polycentric one, whereby development is pushed to satellite cities and sub-centers, each with their own gravitational pull and outward expansion. This is likely to increase the sprawl constant, particularly when relative distance is limited.
i. 一种小甜饼，通常呈圆形、扁平且松脆
ii. 一种由卫星城之间距离太近而导致的城市现象，当每个卫星城扩张时，扩张的边缘接触并相融，就像烤盘里膨胀的曲奇（城市规划也比作中国的大饼，或者摊大饼，参见摊大饼，甜甜圈和提子面包）
donut

n. i. a small fried cake of sweetened dough, typically in the shape of a ring:
ii. an urban formation where, either because of building regulations or urban decline, the geographical centre of the city becomes a developmental hole, while new build (of residential, office, leisure and retail program) expands to fill a ring around the center. [dough + nut, urban application via analogy with the chinese pancake or tandabing, see tandabing, cookie, raisin bread]
甜甜圈
名词。
i.甜面油炸成的小糕饼，通常呈环状；
ii. 一种城市形态，因为建设规定或者城市衰退，城市的地理中心形成了发展空洞。（面＋坚果，城市术语亦包括中国的大饼或者摊大饼，参见摊大饼，甜甜圈和提子面包）

doughnut pattern

n. Urban development pattern in which businesses and affluent residents migrate to surrounding suburbs and edge cities, resulting in a "hollowed out" downtown core consisting of mostly poorer residents.
甜甜圈图案
名词。商务和富人都迁移到周围的郊区和边缘城市的城市发展的图案，导致的是市中心区域的空心化，居民以穷人为主。
Doorstep urbanization

a form of urban expansion. A process of economic and mental migration, but a physical stasis. Villagers are becoming urban in the organization of their lives and built environment without actually leaving their homes.
门口城市化
城市扩张的一种形式。是经济和思维的转变过程，同时身体位置不变。村民的生活方式变得城市化，并因而改造环境但未离开家园。

dormitory extrusion

n. the pre-reform Communist dormitory was extruded in the post-reform era of land values and larger roads, which both facilitated larger blocks in single spaces, and provided a commercial incentive to maximize the apartment yield of a single site. Dormitory extrusions are typically 1980s and 1990s tower blocks of twenty stories. Typologically they are often little more than the older dormitories extruded upwards, and create the same conditions.
被驱逐的宿舍
名词。改革开放前的单位宿舍在改革后被地价和大型道路驱逐，这不但产生了更大尺度的街区，还在商业上鼓励同一地块上最大化住宅产出。被驱逐的宿舍通常是建于80年代及90年代二十来层的塔楼小区。从建筑形态来说它们通常要比更早时期的宿舍更排斥向上，而创造了同样的条件。

field of influence

n. the effective area across which forces exerted by an urban entity are reciprocally active. Those living within the field of gravity communicate with the city directly and influence its performance and direction; those living beyond achieve only mediated impacts upon the city.
影响力磁场
名词。城市单元影响力的辐射区通常也有反作用。引力所及范围内的居民亦与城市有直接交流并影响它的功能与发展方向；那些在外的居民则只对城市有间接影响。

Fortress urbanism

n. an urban condition in which public space assumes the status of hostile environment and security, achieved only within physically delimited private space, becomes a lifestyle objective.
堡垒城市主义
名词。一种城市形式，公共空间成为有敌意的环境，而只能在界限清楚的私人空间才能获得的安全感，则成为了生活方式的目标。

Hybrid-hutong

n. stacked suburban living operating as a mediator between the compact tower typology and the tightly-knit social environment provided by hutongs.
胡同混合体
名词。层叠的郊区住宅，结合了紧凑的塔楼建筑形态和胡同里密织的社会环境。

over-planning

n. excessive planning reaching from zoning to the microlevel, effectively excluding the possibility for responsiveness on the part of users or future flexibility, and pushing informal grass-roots developments further out.
过度规划
名词。从用地性质到微观层面的过度规划，有效地抑制了用户对等或者未来灵活发展的可能性，而且进一步扼杀了民间的、自上而下的发展。

Paradigm urbanism

A territorial space and a city that are more or less organized to function as magnets for migrants and for capturing a floating population in a mobile space of control, becomes an example, a paradigm that is repeated everywhere in China.
范例城市主义
领地空间和城市成为吸引民工的磁铁，并在可控的不固定的空间内吸引了浮动的人群，这成为了一个范本，一个在中国各地被广泛复制的范本。

perceived density

a. intrusion of tall structures in a tight-knit framework, giving the illusion of a densely populated area. See also up-scaling.
b. the subjective sensation of the incredible density of a city that belies the actual calculated density; especially true of Beijing low-rise urban structures.
感知密度
高层结构侵入密织的框架，导致高人口密度的错觉。参见上升规模。
对于城市难以置信的密度的主观感受，存在于实际的密度中；尤其适用于北京的低层城市建筑

pericenter

n. a ring around (esp. historic center) of a city which becomes the focal point for new development.
副中心
名词。包围城市（特别是历史中心）的环状带，是进一步开发的重要节点。

Periphery

transition zone between center and suburb; in the case of Beijing, a fluctuating area relatively between the Fourth and Fifth Ring Roads.
周围
中心与郊区的过渡区域；比如北京，是大概介于四环与五环之间的起伏地带。

photoshop urbanism

n. the production of urban realms as derivatives of the production of slick computer renderings for presentations to officials and investors. Photoshop urbanism not only abstracts spatial production away from the physical realm in which it will end up, but shifts the goal posts from the production of 3-D space for users to the production of 2-D images for viewers. [derived from Adobe Photoshop, well known and widely used computer software for image manipulation, urbanism]
photoshop城市主义
名词。城市的生产沦为生产向官员、投资者展示的华丽的电脑渲染图的衍生品。Photoshop城市主义不仅将努力从空间的缔造转移至具体体征细节，而且将目标从未使用者构筑三维空间转移至为审阅者的二维图像的生产。（从知名且广泛使用的电脑图像软件Adobe Photoshop城市主义派生出来）

Raisin Bread

i. a sweet bread containing raisins:
ii. an urban phenomenon caused by the simultaneous upscaling of urban elements by which individual points become ever further away from each other, like raisins in an expanding loaf [urban application via analogy with the Chinese pancake or tandabing, see tandabing, cookie, donut]
提子面包
含有提子的甜面包；
由于城市元素同时升级从而拉长了点到点距离的城市现象，就像正在发酵的面包中的提子一样（城市规划也比作中国的大饼，或者摊大饼，参见摊大饼，甜甜圈和提子面包）